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Two-Tier Policing Does Exist — But It’s Not What You Think

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Our CEO knows a little more than the average person about policing. He served five years in the police and observed how policing and justice have evolved over the past 30 years.
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I know a little more than the average person about policing. I served five years in the police and have observed how policing and justice have evolved over the past 30 years. And yes — two-tier policing does exist in the UK. But not in the way many people would have you believe.

Misconceptions Around Two-Tier Policing: A Case Study from Leeds

There is frequent debate in the public sphere around the notion of two-tier policing. Some claim that police are more lenient towards ethnic minority groups or protest movements aligned with liberal causes. One example often cited is the riots in Leeds last summer, involving members of the Roma community, an ethnic minority often described as people of colour.

Critics argue that the police simply stood back and allowed the violence to unfold. But those with operational knowledge understand what typically happens in such situations. The first night of a riot is usually spontaneous, sparked by an unpredictable incident. Police forces are often caught off guard and lack the personnel or reinforcements needed to take control immediately. In such instances, tactical withdrawal is often necessary — not a sign of favouritism.

By the second day, reinforcements tend to arrive and a coordinated response begins. By the third day, most riots start to die down. This is precisely what happened in Leeds.

Following the unrest, police made numerous arrests, submitted strong case files to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), and secured convictions. Notably, two Asian men received lengthy custodial sentences, comparable to those handed down to far-right rioters involved in similar incidents elsewhere. That comparison alone undermines the argument that the justice system shows leniency to minority groups.

Policing Protests: Perception Versus Operational Reality

Another common claim is that police treat certain protest groups — particularly the large pro-Palestinian marches in London — with excessive leniency, while coming down harder on far-right demonstrations.

But that claim does not hold up to scrutiny.

Pro-Palestinian protests have generally been peaceful, well-attended, and organised, often involving tens or even hundreds of thousands of people. In such circumstances, it is often the most operationally sensible approach for police to monitor and facilitate rather than intervene aggressively. By contrast, far-right protests are typically smaller, more volatile, and more prone to violence — making them easier to contain and more likely to be met with a visible and forceful police response.

Understanding the Reality of Two-Tier Policing

While much of the rhetoric about political bias in policing is overblown, that doesn’t mean a two-tier system doesn’t exist. It does — just not in the way many assume. It is far more systemic and structural than ideological.

Racial Disparities in Everyday Policing

There is clear statistical evidence of racial disparities in police practices across the UK:

• Stop and Search: Black people are six to nine times more likely to be stopped and searched than white people, according to Home Office data.

• Use of Force: Individuals from Black and other minority ethnic backgrounds are disproportionately subjected to force, including the use of Tasers.

These disparities point to institutional bias, contributing to a two-tier experience of policing based on race.

How Far-Right Protests Are Policed

While there is no conclusive evidence that far-right protests are systematically policed more harshly, there are consistent patterns that explain why this perception persists:

• Far-right protests in the UK have historically been:

  – Smaller in scale

  – More likely to involve violence, alcohol, racist chants, or confrontations with counter-protesters, the police, or journalists

• As a result, police often adopt more robust and proactive tactics, such as:

  – Kettling

  – Early arrests

  – Deployment of public order units

  – Use of Section 14 powers under the Public Order Act

Case Study: The 2020 “statue protection” protest in London — which attracted far-right groups — became violent, leading to over 100 arrests. This contrasted sharply with the largely peaceful Black Lives Matter protests that had taken place days earlier.

Policing of Other Protest Movements

Protest groups such as Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter, and pro-Palestinian activists have also faced significant policing measures — particularly when their actions involve civil disobedience or direct action:

• Extinction Rebellion: Hundreds of arrests have been made over multiple campaigns.

• Black Lives Matter: Protesters were kettled and several organisers were arrested, sparking public criticism.

• Pro-Palestinian protests: Police have used Section 14 orders, surveillance, and targeted arrests in response to suspected hate speech or disorder.

These examples show that left-wing or minority-led protests are not immune to heavy policing. The idea that they are consistently treated more gently does not withstand serious examination.

Conclusion: The Two-Tier System Is Real — But It’s Structural, Not Ideological

Two-tier policing in the UK does exist, but it is not about being soft on one political group and tough on another. It is not about preferential treatment for ethnic minorities or progressive causes. The real divide lies in race, class, social inequality, and how institutional decisions are made.

It’s easy to cherry-pick high-profile incidents that fit a political narrative. It’s far harder to confront the systemic and structural realities that determine who gets stopped, who gets searched, who is listened to — and who gets justice.

If we are serious about tackling inequality in policing, we need more than outrage and blame. We need an honest, evidence-based conversation about how our policing system works — and who it serves.

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